John F. Kennedy, discurso a los medios de comunicación

Nov 22
John F. Kennedy, discurso a los medios de comunicación
8.3
Imagen: 
El entonces presidente de los Estados Unidos, John F. Kennedy dio un discurso ante los representantes de los medios de comunicación a quienes les pide mayor y mejor exhibición de los hechos públicos, así como otros temas. Muchos aseguran que fue este discurso la causa de su asesinato. Mensaje vigente.
Conclusiones Estructurales
7.4
8.6
7.6
8.4
9.6
Argumento principal
Lógica de argumentación
Tono emocional
Soportes de la argumentación
Cierre
Caracterización del Patrón Cognitivo del Pensamiento©
9.8%
61.4%
11.7%
6.5%
8.4%
Hechos y datos
Percepciones
Escenarios negativos
Escenarios positivos
Propuestas
Conclusiones Estructurales
Argumento principal
7.4
Lógica de argumentación
8.6
Tono emocional
7.6
Soportes de la argumentacion
8.4
Cierre
9.6
Argumento principal
7.4
Inicio con tono de reconocimiento y advertencia “Seleccioné como título de mis pensamientos de esta noche "el Presidente y la Prensa”. Algunos podrían sugerir que de forma más natural se denominara “el Presidente versus la prensa”, pero esos no son mis sentimientos”. De forma tardía y genérica expone como argumento principal: “Mi tópico esta noche es uno más sobrio, uno que concierne tanto a casas de edición como a editores. Quiero hablar de nuestras responsabilidades comunes frente a un peligro común.”
Lógica de argumentación
8.6
Un discurso claro e hilvanado, consecuente en sus ideas: por ejemplo, cuando pasa del reconocimiento y la importancia de los medios de comunicación a una clara petición en orden de la "responsabilidad común" frente a la guerra fría. Durante su desarrollo mantiene y justifica su argumento respecto a que sus peticiones no son una moción de orden sino una invitación a la autorregulación, por lo que dice ser una necesidad de seguridad nacional.
Tono emocional
7.6
Mantiene un tono caracteristico del tiempo de la "Guerra Fria": de advertencia y alerta, matizado por la voluntad de que Administración y medios de comunicación trabajen juntos. El tono le sirve para elevar a necesidades las propuestas gubernamentales sobre la forma de ejercer el periodismo y justificar sus peticiones. Dijo: "Yhay un peligromuygrave queuna necesidadanunciada paramayor seguridadseráaprovechada poraquellosansiosos porexpandirsu significado alos mismos límites dela censura oficialy la ocultación”.O bien: "No tengo una respuesta fácil para el dilema que he planteado y no buscaría imponerla si la tuviera". O también: “este es un tiempo de paz y peligro que no conoce precedentes en la historia”.
Soportes de la argumentación
8.4
Inteligente uso de la argumentación al enganchar ésta con datos sobre cómo se ha comportado el gobierno con el gremio de los medios de comunicación y cuál debería de ser su papel ante un escenario de guerra fría. Claro al señalar las dos grandes necesidades de comunicación (del gobierno y la prensa) les dice: "primero, en la necesidad de un mayor bien público de información; y segundo, a la necesidad de oficial de mayor secrecía". Constantes llamados a la responsabilidad de los medios con ejemplos de cómo se ha comportado el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos ante la libertad de expresión, les dijo: “No era necesario para nosotros la contestación que este gobiernono era responsable dela prensa, pues la prensa ya había dejado en claro que no era responsable de esta Administración”.
Cierre
9.6
Concluye planteando una petición a los medios sobre la necesidad de mantener informado y alerta al pueblo americano. Y cierra con un llamado final épico e inapelable que sublima la responsabilidad planteada por el nuevo esquema de información y seguridad: "con su ayuda el hombre será lo que nació para ser: Libre e independiente".
Caracterización del Patrón Cognitivo del Pensamiento©
Hechos y datos
9.8%
Suficientes datos soportan su discurso, alrededor de 12%. La mayoría sin fuente, con 7.1%. Incluye citas a personajes famosos.
Con fuente
1.4%
Sin fuente
7.2%
Cita a terceros
1.2%
Percepciones
61.4%
Un discurso de percepción domina con 61.5% del total de su discurso. La opinión, con 32.8%, con frases tales como: "Si solo este capitalista periódico de Nueva York le hubiese tratado con mayor amabilidad, y si sólo Marx hubiese seguido siendo un corresponsal en el extranjero, la historia pudo haber sido diferente". Plantea cuestionamientos sobre la libertad de prensa y sus alcances con 3.3%. No responde sus preguntas. El tono se mide con 4.6% de juicios de valor negativos, referentes a una posible guerra latente. La declaración de principio, el tono patriótico donde declara la postura oficial de su gobierno se aprecia en casi 5% del total de palabras de su discurso.
Opinión
32.8%
Referencia a terceros
5.8%
Provocación
0%
Comparación
0%
Duda/pregunta
3.3%
Juicio de valor positivo
1.5%
Juicio de valor negativo
4.6%
Autorevelación
0%
Idea épica
8.8%
Declaració de principios
4.6%
Escenarios negativos
11.7%
Apenas 11.7%. Señala amenazas, con 6.4%, por ejemplo: "Y hay un peligro grave sobre una necesidad predicha de mayor seguridad serán aprovechadas por aquellos ansiosos por expandir su significado a los mismos límites de la censura oficial y la secrecía". Y debilidades con 5.3%, sobre una libertad de información cooptada.
Amenazas
6.4%
Debilidades
5.3%
Escenarios positivos
6.5%
Señala ventajas con 6.4%, cuando sugiere el lado positivo de una prensa libre, pero que también tome en cuenta el contexto que vive Estados Unidos, de alerta en una especia de "guerra fría".
Ventajas
6.5%
Oportunidades
0%
Fortalezas
0%
Propuestas
8.4%
Bajo, 202 palabras de 2, 413. Apunta objetivos con 7% y acciones con 1.3%.
Propuesta completa
0%
Sólo estrategia
0%
Sólo objetivos
7%
Idea genérica
0%
Sólo acción
1.4%
Sólo responsables
0%
Cápsula y opinión
  • Inicio con tono de reconocimiento y la siguiente provocación: “Seleccioné como título de mis pensamientos de esta noche "el Presidente y la Prensa”. Algunos podrían sugerir que de forma más natural se denominara “el Presidente versus la prensa”, pero esos no son mis sentimientos”. 
  • Mensaje claro, ordenado y consecuente. Argumenta que sus peticiones no son una moción de orden sino una invitación a la autorregulación, por lo que dice ser una necesidad de seguridad nacional.
  • Tono característico del tiempo de la "Guerra Fría": de advertencia y alerta, matizado por la voluntad de que Administración y medios de comunicación trabajen juntos. Cierra con un llamado épico al decir: "con su ayuda el hombre será lo que nació para ser: Libre e independiente". 
  • Cognitivamente, emite datos en alrededor de 12% de sus palabras, donde prevalecen las citas a personajes célebres. Discurso de percepciónes, que dominan con 61.5% del total de palabras. Una de cada tres palabras son  opinión. Lanza casi 5% de juicios de valor negativos, síntoma del estado de tensión con la URSS.
  • Alcanza 11.7% de racionales negativos, y señala algunas ventajas. Pocas propuestas, sobretodo bajo forma de objetivos. Lo notable del contexto es que hablamos de la primera deliberación pública entre el presidente de los EU y la prensa. Kennedy, el primer político hecho para la televisión.
  • Un discurso que apela a la libertad de expresión sin dejar de lado la paranoia en tiempos de "Guerra Fria".
  • Inteligente al vincular el interés general de la nación (y sus aliados) con la necesidad de secrecía sobre la información, en vez de ordenar o imponer medidas desde el gobierno.
  • Kennedy hace un llamado a la conciencia y auto regulación de los medios en pro del bien común.
  • Un discurso que aún es de actualidad al apelar a la auto regulación de los medios, pidiéndoles que hagan una ecuación entre lo que es noticia o nota y la información y generación de conciencia.
  • De alta emocionalidad y palabras de tiempos de guerra, dijo " La supervivencia de nuestros amigos está en peligro." Habla de la importancia de los medios de comunicación por su influencia en la opinión pública. Lo que lo hace un discurso de arqueología del cuarto poder.
  • Uno de los textos que construyeron el mito JFK.
Discurso Íntegro

Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:
 
I appreciate very much your generous invitation to be here tonight.
 
You bear heavy responsibilities these days and an article I read some time ago reminded me of how particularly heavily the burdens of present day events bear upon your profession.
You may remember that in 1851 the New York Herald Tribune under the sponsorship and publishing of Horace Greeley, employed as its London correspondent an obscure journalist by the name of Karl Marx.
 
We are told that foreign correspondent Marx, stone broke, and with a family ill and undernourished, constantly appealed to Greeley and managing editor Charles Dana for an increase in his munificent salary of $5 per installment, a salary which he and Engels ungratefully labeled as the "lousiest petty bourgeois cheating."
 
But when all his financial appeals were refused, Marx looked around for other means of livelihood and fame, eventually terminating his relationship with the Tribune and devoting his talents full time to the cause that would bequeath to the world the seeds of Leninism, Stalinism, revolution and the cold war.
 
If only this capitalistic New York newspaper had treated him more kindly; if only Marx had remained a foreign correspondent, history might have been different. And I hope all publishers will bear this lesson in mind the next time they receive a poverty-stricken appeal for a small increase in the expense account from an obscure newspaper man.
 
I have selected as the title of my remarks tonight "The President and the Press." Some may suggest that this would be more naturally worded "The President Versus the Press." But those are not my sentiments tonight.
 
It is true, however, that when a well-known diplomat from another country demanded recently that our State Department repudiate certain newspaper attacks on his colleague it was unnecessary for us to reply that this Administration was not responsible for the press, for the press had already made it clear that it was not responsible for this Administration.
 
Nevertheless, my purpose here tonight is not to deliver the usual assault on the so-called one party press. On the contrary, in recent months I have rarely heard any complaints about political bias in the press except from a few Republicans. Nor is it my purpose tonight to discuss or defend the televising of Presidential press conferences. I think it is highly beneficial to have some 20,000,000 Americans regularly sit in on these conferences to observe, if I may say so, the incisive, the intelligent and the courteous qualities displayed by your Washington correspondents.
 
Nor, finally, are these remarks intended to examine the proper degree of privacy which the press should allow to any President and his family.
 
If in the last few months your White House reporters and photographers have been attending church services with regularity, that has surely done them no harm.
 
On the other hand, I realize that your staff and wire service photographers may be complaining that they do not enjoy the same green privileges at the local golf courses which they once did.
 
It is true that my predecessor did not object as I do to pictures of one's golfing skill in action. But neither on the other hand did he ever bean a Secret Service man.
 
My topic tonight is a more sober one of concern to publishers as well as editors.
 
I want to talk about our common responsibilities in the face of a common danger. The events of recent weeks may have helped to illuminate that challenge for some; but the dimensions of its threat have loomed large on the horizon for many years. Whatever our hopes may be for the future--for reducing this threat or living with it--there is no escaping either the gravity or the totality of its challenge to our survival and to our security--a challenge that confronts us in unaccustomed ways in every sphere of human activity.
 
This deadly challenge imposes upon our society two requirements of direct concern both to the press and to the President--two requirements that may seem almost contradictory in tone, but which must be reconciled and fulfilled if we are to meet this national peril. I refer, first, to the need for far greater public information; and, second, to the need for far greater official secrecy.
 
The very word "secrecy" is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths and to secret proceedings. We decided long ago that the dangers of excessive and unwarranted concealment of pertinent facts far outweighed the dangers which are cited to justify it. Even today, there is little value in opposing the threat of a closed society by imitating its arbitrary restrictions. Even today, there is little value in insuring the survival of our nation if our traditions do not survive with it. And there is very grave danger that an announced need for increased security will be seized upon by those anxious to expand its meaning to the very limits of official censorship and concealment. That I do not intend to permit to the extent that it’s in my control. And no official of my Administration, whether his rank is high or low, civilian or military, should interpret my words here tonight as an excuse to censor the news, to stifle dissent, to cover up our mistakes or to withhold from the press and the public the facts they deserve to know.
 
But I do ask every publisher, every editor, and every newsman in the nation to reexamine his own standards, and to recognize the nature of our country's peril. In time of war, the government and the press have customarily joined in an effort based largely on self-discipline, to prevent unauthorized disclosures to the enemy. In times of "clear and present danger," the courts have held that even the privileged rights of the First Amendment must yield to the public's need for national security.
 
Today no war has been declared and however fierce the struggle may be, it may never be declared in the traditional fashion. Our way of life is under attack. Those who make themselves our enemy are advancing around the globe. The survival of our friends is in danger. And yet no war has been declared, no borders have been crossed by marching troops, no missiles have been fired.
 
If the press is awaiting a declaration of war before it imposes the self-discipline of combat conditions, then I can only say that no war ever posed a greater threat to our security. If you are awaiting a finding of "clear and present danger," then I can only say that the danger has never been more clear and its presence has never been more imminent.
 
It requires a change in outlook, a change in tactics, a change in missions--by the government, by the people, by every businessman or labor leader, and by every newspaper. For we are opposed around the world by a monolithic and ruthless conspiracy that relies primarily on covert means for expanding its sphere of influence--on infiltration instead of invasion, on subversion instead of elections, on intimidation instead of free choice, on guerrillas by night instead of armies by day. It is a system which has conscripted vast human and material resources into the building of a tightly knit, highly efficient machine that combines military, diplomatic, intelligence, economic, scientific and political operations.
 
Its preparations are concealed, not published. Its mistakes are buried, not headlined. Its dissenters are silenced, not praised. No expenditure is questioned, no rumor is printed, no secret is revealed. It conducts the Cold War, in short, with a war-time discipline no democracy would ever hope or wish to match.
 
Nevertheless, every democracy recognizes the necessary restraints of national security--and the question remains whether those restraints need to be more strictly observed if we are to oppose this kind of attack as well as outright invasion.
 
For the facts of the matter are that this nation's foes have openly boasted of acquiring through our newspapers information they would otherwise hire agents to acquire through theft, bribery or espionage; that details of this nation's covert preparations to counter the enemy's covert operations have been available to every newspaper reader, friend and foe alike; that the size, the strength, the location and the nature of our forces and weapons, and our plans and strategy for their use, have all been pinpointed in the press and other news media to a degree sufficient to satisfy any foreign power; and that, in at least in one case, the publication of details concerning a secret mechanism whereby satellites were followed required its alteration at the expense of considerable time and money.
 
The newspapers which printed these stories were loyal, patriotic, responsible and well-meaning. Had we been engaged in open warfare, they undoubtedly would not have published such items. But in the absence of open warfare, they recognized only the tests of journalism and not the tests of national security. And my question tonight is whether additional tests should not now be adopted.
 
That question is for you alone to answer. No public official should answer it for you. No governmental plan should impose its restraints against your will. But I would be failing in my duty to the nation, in considering all of the responsibilities that we now bear and all of the means at hand to meet those responsibilities, if I did not commend this problem to your attention, and urge its thoughtful consideration.
 
On many earlier occasions, I have said--and your newspapers have constantly said--that these are times that appeal to every citizen's sense of sacrifice and self-discipline. They call out to every citizen to weigh his rights and comforts against his obligations to the common good. I cannot now believe that those citizens who serve in the newspaper business consider themselves exempt from that appeal.
 
I have no intention of establishing a new Office of War Information to govern the flow of news. I am not suggesting any new forms of censorship or new types of security classifications. I have no easy answer to the dilemma that I have posed, and would not seek to impose it if I had one. But I am asking the members of the newspaper profession and the industry in this country to reexamine their own responsibilities, to consider the degree and the nature of the present danger, and to heed the duty of self-restraint which that danger imposes upon us all.
Every newspaper now asks itself, with respect to every story: "Is it news?" All I suggest is that you add the question: "Is it in the interest of the national security?" And I hope that every group in America--unions and businessmen and public officials at every level will ask the same question of their endeavors, and subject their actions to the same exacting tests.
And should the press of America consider and recommend the voluntary assumption of specific new steps or machinery, I can assure you that we will cooperate whole-heartedly with those recommendations.
 
Perhaps there will be no recommendations. Perhaps there is no answer to the dilemma faced by a free and open society in a cold and secret war. In times of peace, any discussion of this subject, and any action that results, are both painful and without precedent. But this is a time of peace and peril which knows no precedent in history.
 
It is the unprecedented nature of this challenge that also gives rise to your second obligation--an obligation which I share and that is our obligation to inform and alert the American people to make certain that they possess all the facts that they need, and understand them as well--the perils, the prospects, the purposes of our program and the choices that we face.
 
No President should fear public scrutiny of his program. For from that scrutiny comes understanding; and from that understanding comes support or opposition and both are necessary. I am not asking your newspapers to support the Administration, but I am asking your help in the tremendous task of informing and alerting the American people. For I have complete confidence in the response and dedication of our citizens whenever they are fully informed.
 
I not only could not stifle controversy among your readers--I welcome it. This Administration intends to be candid about its errors; for as a wise man once said: "An error does not become a mistake until you refuse to correct it." We intend to accept full responsibility for our errors and we expect you to point them out when we miss them.
 
Without debate, without criticism, no Administration and no country can succeed and no republic can survive. That is why the Athenian lawmaker Solon decreed it a crime for any citizen to shrink from controversy. And that is why our press was protected by the First Amendment-- the only business in America specifically protected by the Constitution--not primarily to amuse and entertain, not to emphasize the trivial and the sentimental, not to simply "give the public what it wants"--but to inform, to arouse, to reflect, to state our dangers and our opportunities, to indicate our crises and our choices, to lead, mold, educate and sometimes even anger public opinion.
 
This means greater coverage and analysis of international news--for it is no longer far away and foreign but close at hand and local. It means greater attention to improved understanding of the news as well as improved transmission. And it means, finally, that government at all levels, must meet its obligation to provide you with the fullest possible information outside the narrowest limits of national security--and we intend to do it.
 
It was early in the Seventeenth Century that Francis Bacon remarked on three recent inventions already transforming the world: the compass, gunpowder and the printing press. Now the links between the nations first forged by the compass have made us all citizens of the world, the hopes and threats of one becoming the hopes and threats of us all. In that one world's efforts to live together, the evolution of gunpowder to its ultimate limit has warned mankind of the terrible consequences of failure.
 
And so it is to the printing press--to the recorder of man's deeds, the keeper of his conscience, the courier of his news--that we look for strength and assistance, confident that with your help man will be what he was born to be: free and independent. 
 
J.F.K.